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Palin Wearing ‘SarahCuda’ Shirt

Republican vice presidential candidate, Alaska Gov. Sarah Palin, speaks at a watch party prior to the first debate between presidential candidates, Republican John McCain and Democrat Barack Obama, at the Irish Pub, a bar in Philadelphia, Friday, Sept. 26, 2008.

(AP Photo/Matt Rourke)

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No Responses to “Palin Wearing ‘SarahCuda’ Shirt”

  1. RacerX says:

    Another excellent choice of a post by Shawn, Sarah in a tight t-shirt. Nice. This is what qualifies one to be a Repube.

  2. RacerX says:

    There is no such thing as a free lunch, and there is no
    such thing as a free war. The Iraq adventure has
    seriously weakened the U.S. economy, whose woes now go
    far beyond loose mortgage lending. You can’t spend $3
    trillion — yes, $3 trillion — on a failed war abroad
    and not feel the pain at home.

    Some people will scoff at that number, but we’ve done
    the math. Senior Bush administration aides certainly
    pooh-poohed worrisome estimates in the run-up to the
    war. Former White House economic adviser Lawrence
    Lindsey reckoned that the conflict would cost $100
    billion to $200 billion; Defense Secretary Donald H.
    Rumsfeld later called his estimate “baloney.”
    Administration officials insisted that the costs would
    be more like $50 billion to $60 billion. In April 2003,
    Andrew S. Natsios, the thoughtful head of the U.S.
    Agency for International Development, said on
    “Nightline” that reconstructing Iraq would cost the
    American taxpayer just $1.7 billion. Ted Koppel, in
    disbelief, pressed Natsios on the question, but Natsios
    stuck to his guns. Others in the administration, such
    as Deputy Defense Secretary Paul D. Wolfowitz, hoped
    that U.S. partners would chip in, as they had in the
    1991 Persian Gulf War, or that Iraq’s oil would pay for
    the damages.

    The end result of all this wishful thinking? As we
    approach the fifth anniversary of the invasion, Iraq is
    not only the second longest war in U.S. history (after
    Vietnam), it is also the second most costly –
    surpassed only by World War II.

    Why doesn’t the public understand the staggering scale
    of our expenditures? In part because the administration
    talks only about the upfront costs, which are mostly
    handled by emergency appropriations. (Iraq funding is
    apparently still an emergency five years after the war
    began.) These costs, by our calculations, are now
    running at $12 billion a month — $16 billion if you
    include Afghanistan. By the time you add in the costs
    hidden in the defense budget, the money we’ll have to
    spend to help future veterans, and money to refurbish a
    military whose equipment and materiel have been greatly
    depleted, the total tab to the federal government will
    almost surely exceed $1.5 trillion.

    But the costs to our society and economy are far
    greater. When a young soldier is killed in Iraq or
    Afghanistan, his or her family will receive a U.S.
    government check for just $500,000 (combining life
    insurance with a “death gratuity”) — far less than the
    typical amount paid by insurance companies for the
    death of a young person in a car accident. The stark
    “budgetary cost” of $500,000 is clearly only a fraction
    of the total cost society pays for the loss of life –
    and no one can ever really compensate the families.
    Moreover, disability pay seldom provides adequate
    compensation for wounded troops or their families.
    Indeed, in one out of five cases of seriously injured
    soldiers, someone in their family has to give up a job
    to take care of them.

    But beyond this is the cost to the already sputtering
    U.S. economy. All told, the bill for the Iraq war is
    likely to top $3 trillion. And that’s a conservative
    estimate.

    President Bush tried to sell the American people on the
    idea that we could have a war with little or no
    economic sacrifice. Even after the United States went
    to war, Bush and Congress cut taxes, especially on the
    rich — even though the United States already had a
    massive deficit. So the war had to be funded by more
    borrowing. By the end of the Bush administration, the
    cost of the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, plus the
    cumulative interest on the increased borrowing used to
    fund them, will have added about $1 trillion to the
    national debt.

    The long-term burden of paying for the conflicts will
    curtail the country’s ability to tackle other urgent
    problems, no matter who wins the presidency in
    November. Our vast and growing indebtedness inevitably
    makes it harder to afford new health-care plans, make
    large-scale repairs to crumbling roads and bridges, or
    build better-equipped schools. Already, the escalating
    cost of the wars has crowded out spending on virtually
    all other discretionary federal programs, including the
    National Institutes of Health, the Food and Drug
    Administration, the Environmental Protection Agency,
    and federal aid to states and cities, all of which have
    been scaled back significantly since the invasion of
    Iraq.

    To make matters worse, the U.S. economy is facing a
    recession. But our ability to implement a truly
    effective economic-stimulus package is crimped by
    expenditures of close to $200 billion on the two wars
    this year alone and by a skyrocketing national debt.

    The United States is a rich and strong country, but
    even rich and strong countries squander trillions of
    dollars at their peril. Think what a difference $3
    trillion could make for so many of the United States’
    – or the world’s — problems. We could have had a
    Marshall Plan to help desperately poor countries,
    winning the hearts and maybe the minds of Muslim
    nations now gripped by anti-Americanism. In a world
    with millions of illiterate children, we could have
    achieved literacy for all — for less than the price of
    a month’s combat in Iraq. We worry about China’s
    growing influence in Africa, but the upfront cost of a
    month of fighting in Iraq would pay for more than
    doubling our annual current aid spending on Africa.

    Closer to home, we could have funded countless schools
    to give children locked in the underclass a shot at
    decent lives. Or we could have tackled the massive
    problem of Social Security, which Bush began his second
    term hoping to address; for far, far less than the cost
    of the war, we could have ensured the solvency of
    Social Security for the next half a century or more.

    Economists used to think that wars were good for the
    economy, a notion born out of memories of how the
    massive spending of World War II helped bring the
    United States and the world out of the Great
    Depression. But we now know far better ways to
    stimulate an economy — ways that quickly improve
    citizens’ well-being and lay the foundations for future
    growth. But money spent paying Nepalese workers in Iraq
    (or even Iraqi ones) doesn’t stimulate the U.S. economy
    the way that money spent at home would — and it
    certainly doesn’t provide the basis for long-term
    growth the way investments in research, education or
    infrastructure would.

    Another worry: This war has been particularly hard on
    the economy because it led to a spike in oil prices.
    Before the 2003 invasion, oil cost less than $25 a
    barrel, and futures markets expected it to remain
    around there. (Yes, China and India were growing by
    leaps and bounds, but cheap supplies from the Middle
    East were expected to meet their demands.) The war
    changed that equation, and oil prices recently topped
    $100 per barrel.

    While Washington has been spending well beyond its
    means, others have been saving — including the oil-
    rich countries that, like the oil companies, have been
    among the few winners of this war. No wonder, then,
    that China, Singapore and many Persian Gulf emirates
    have become lenders of last resort for troubled Wall
    Street banks, plowing in billions of dollars to shore
    up Citigroup, Merrill Lynch and other firms that burned
    their fingers on subprime mortgages. How long will it
    be before the huge sovereign wealth funds controlled by
    these countries begin buying up large shares of other
    U.S. assets?

    The Bush team, then, is not merely handing over the war
    to the next administration; it is also bequeathing deep
    economic problems that have been seriously exacerbated
    by reckless war financing. We face an economic downturn
    that’s likely to be the worst in more than a quarter-
    century.

    Until recently, many marveled at the way the United
    States could spend hundreds of billions of dollars on
    oil and blow through hundreds of billions more in Iraq
    with what seemed to be strikingly little short-run
    impact on the economy. But there’s no great mystery
    here. The economy’s weaknesses were concealed by the
    Federal Reserve, which pumped in liquidity, and by
    regulators that looked away as loans were handed out
    well beyond borrowers’ ability to repay them.
    Meanwhile, banks and credit-rating agencies pretended
    that financial alchemy could convert bad mortgages into
    AAA assets, and the Fed looked the other way as the
    U.S. household-savings rate plummeted to zero.

    It’s a bleak picture. The total loss from this economic
    downturn — measured by the disparity between the
    economy’s actual output and its potential output — is
    likely to be the greatest since the Great Depression.
    That total, itself well in excess of $1 trillion, is
    not included in our estimated $3 trillion cost of the
    war.

    Others will have to work out the geopolitics, but the
    economics here are clear. Ending the war, or at least
    moving rapidly to wind it down, would yield major
    economic dividends.

    As we head toward November, opinion polls say that
    voters’ main worry is now the economy, not the war. But
    there’s no way to disentangle the two. The United
    States will be paying the price of Iraq for decades to
    come. The price tag will be all the greater because we
    tried to ignore the laws of economics — and the cost
    will grow the longer we remain.

  3. Peeved Guy says:

    Dude. Seriously. WTF does your copy and paste (from the WaPo for those that are interested) have anything to do with this post?

    Do you go to the Air America site and demand equal and fair coverage of McCain and copy articles from the Wall Street Journal or World Net Daily?

    Does anyone even read these things? I just skip to the end and post a rant/comment.

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